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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License
Article
Author(s)
Chaste Uwihoreye, Ph.D., director
Leon Fidèle Uwimbabazi, Ph.D., lecturer
Jean Marie Vianney Zivugukuri, Bachelors
Verena Mukeshimana, Bachelors
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DOI:10.17265/2159-5542/2021.03.001
Affiliation(s)
Uyisenga Ni Imanzi (UNM), Kigali, Rwanda
National University of Rwanda, Butare, Rwanda
Uyisenga Ni Imanzi (UNM), Kigali, Rwanda
Uyisenga Ni Imanzi (UNM), Kigali, Rwanda
ABSTRACT
Before the 1994 Genocide against
Tutsi, reported rates of mental health disorders in Rwanda were low; Rwandan society
and traditional healers had their own strategies to diagnose and address different
mental health issues. Following the genocide against Tutsi in 1994, reports of psychological
and mental health issues―including post traumatic stress disorders (PTSD), substance abuse and depression―increased significantly.
To tackle these challenges, mental health specialists were trained―mainly in English
and French―with key mental health concepts and disorders defined and elaborated
in these languages. Consequently, specialists adopted Western ways of defining mental
disorders and primarily referenced DSM-IV and V criteria for diagnosis. For example,
most research names mental health problems that people experience as related to
genocide and other events as “trauma” and “associated co morbidities”. From the
research conducted by the Rwandan Biomedical Centre (RBC) on situational analysis
for development of a model for management of trauma cases during the commemoration
period of the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda through Ubuzima Burambye project
named problems that people suffered from as trauma, some concepts (such as “Ihungabana”,
“Ihahamuka”, and “Ibikomere”) have been used to name trauma. But mental health professionals
still prefer to name them as emotional, traumatic, collective, and/or collective
traumatic crises. However, this use of primarily Western terms is a challenge for
many Rwandan psychologists, as counselling sessions and other therapeutic interventions
are conducted in Kinyarwanda. Such names might simplify concepts, as they are unable
to fully translate the nuances within Kinyarwanda. To further study this linguistic
issue, this current study investigated how people in Rwanda contextualise, name
and give representations to the mental health problems they suffer from. It combined
clinical and participatory action research, which started in February 2019. Participants
were young survivors of genocide, people addicted to drugs from WAWA Rehabilitation
Centre, as well as people who were received in the clinic/Uyisenga Ni Imanzi. Responses from the participants were classified
according to their life experience on mental health pains. Twenty-nine percent of names of mental health
problems from the participants were reflected
on darkness, 25% of them have named as emptiness, 11% of participants have named
their problems as heaviness, while rejection, bondage, physical pain each represent
8%, addictiveness or deviance is at 5% whereas dirtiness and judgement each has
3%. Different mental health
symptoms―such as guilt, pessimism, anxiety, loneliness, depression and panic attacks―were
identified to assess the respondents’ mental health. The data collected from this
group showed that guilt among
respondents takes a higher number of 22% of names for mental health related to pains,
compared to the other symptoms. On other side, pessimism is ranked at
19%, anxiety at 18%, loneliness at 17% expressivity at 16% and panic attacks is ranked at 8%. Looking at the effect
of mental health pains on different aspect of life, data represented that the
most affected aspect of life is the human mind at 52%, social problems and emotions
at 18% each, human body at 9% and relations among people are affected at 4%. Human senses (e.g., touch, taste, smell,
hearing, sight) were used to identify
and describe mental health pains. Results show that 62%
of the identified unique
names of the problems were found to belong to what people can feel, followed by
sight (37%), touch (15%), hearing
(13%), and smell (1%). However,
there was no name for mental health
pains related to taste. Clearly identifying and describing mental health issues in participants’
local language is an essential step towards finding effective solutions. Naming
a problem helps practitioners and patients develop a shared understanding of the
issue at hand and what can be jointly done to address it. Conversely, the inability
to name the actual disorder leaves patients in a state of confusion, unable to progress
with their treatment despite the availability of professional assistance.
KEYWORDS
mental health problems, healing, Kinyarwanda, naming
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